Cornyn Marks Vietnam Advocacy Day

Well good morning, it's good to be with you today, and thank you for allowing me to come and share a few thoughts with you. But first, let me just say welcome to all of you. Of course, we miss Congressman Cao here on Capitol Hill, and I'm glad to know he's doing such important work, working with you.

We recognize that there is a serious threat to human rights, and particularly, religious freedom, in Vietnam. I know I had a chance to meet with a number of the Texans in the audience here today, and I see a few of the Texans here, are you here this morning? Texans aren't shy, that's for sure.

Most Americans probably don't realize this, but Vietnamese is now the third most commonly spoken language in Texas, after English and Spanish. In fact, our state is home to more than 210,000 Vietnamese Americans in total, many of whom live in the Houston and the Dallas/Fort Worth area, and a number of whom hold political office across our great state. They've become, as well, business leaders, civic leaders, and more.

Their collective story--your story--epitomizes the American dream of economic opportunity and upward mobility.

One of the concerns that my Vietnamese-American constituents share with me is that human-rights violations in Vietnam don't receive nearly enough attention in the halls of Congress or in the press. I share this concern, which is why I'm so grateful for Congressman Cao in helping to organize events like this.

Thirty-nine years ago after the last U.S. helicopter pulled away from the rooftop in Saigon, America and Vietnam have grown increasingly close together in terms of our economic and defense ties. Indeed, our countries today have never before shared as much in common when it comes to our security interests as we do today.

But that does not mean we can or we should turn a blind eye to human rights abuses in Vietnam.

Vietnam is nowhere close to being a genuine U.S. ally like Japan or South Korea. The reason is simple: America's alliances with Japan and South Korea are underpinned by shared values -- values like freedom, democracy, the rule of law, minority rights. Despite our mutual concerns over Chinese military power, America and Vietnam will never achieve a close relationship until Vietnam releases all political prisoners, and it respects basic human rights, and it embraces democratic pluralism.

Now, some people might argue that America's primary interest is economic, or that we ought to strive for stability above all else. In other words, these same people argue that we shouldn't rock the boat too much on human rights and democracy.
Here's the problem with that argument: No dictatorship will ever be truly stable. Even if a dictatorship appears to be stable from the outside, there's often a powder-keg of turmoil and discontent lurking right beneath the surface. When that turmoil and discontent finally explode, we're reminded of just how unstable these authoritarian regimes really are.

In recent years, we've seen mass protests erupt everywhere from Tunisia to Egypt to Burma to China to Venezuela and Argentina. In each of these countries, ordinary people have taken to the street to demonstrate against corrupt, autocratic governments that are failing to address their concerns. Real, human concerns.

When we look at a country like Vietnam -- a one-party state where a brutal dictatorship has wielded absolute power for several decades -- it may be hard to imagine the day when government will release political prisoners, respect civil liberties, and hold free elections.

Yet I would argue that the Communist regime is more fragile today than it has ever been.

Don't just take my word for it. Last year, a former Vietnamese government adviser told the New York Times, and I quote, he says quote: "If the system is not fixed, it will collapse on its own." Close quote.

Indeed, despite violent government repression, more and more Vietnamese patriots are openly criticizing the Communist regime and calling for major political and economic reforms. Again, to quote the New York Times:

"The [Communist] party is struggling to reckon with a society that is better informed and more critical because of news and opinion that spread through the Internet, circumventing the state-controlled news media."

So as people become better informed, and as popular dissent has increased, and as growing numbers of Vietnamese activists have courageously made their voices heard -- both online and elsewhere -- the government has responded with a harsh crackdown.

For example: Just last month, a prominent Vietnamese human-rights activist named Win Boc True-in was viciously beaten, and his home was ransacked. According to a Freedom House report:

"Authorities assaulted Win before blindfolding, handcuffing and gagging him, and dragged him into a waiting van. Police also smashed windows and destroyed furnishings and other items in the house, including the family's sacred altar. They also confiscated Win's laptop, cell phone, and camera. His fiancée was taken to the local police station and interrogated for five hours before being released."
Two weeks later, the same couple was again targeted, during a taxi ride to the Australian embassy in Hanoi. Officers actually pulled Win out of the car before beating him, and they also attacked the cab driver.

More recently, a Vietnamese blogger named Phom Viet Dow was sentenced to 15 [months] in prison, and another blogger, True-ong Zwee Nuh-yat, was sentenced to two years in prison. Their only "crime" was to criticize the government. Their only crime.

Ladies and gentlemen: Stories like those remind us why America must never give up the cause of human rights and democracy in Vietnam.

Now as you've heard, I've introduced legislation called the Vietnam Human Rights Sanctions Act, that would impose financial penalties on any Vietnamese official who is connected to domestic human-rights abuses. My bill, I hope, will send a clear message to Hanoi that progress on human rights is essential to progress in bilateral relations.

I'm also proud to co-sponsor Senator Boozman of Arkansas's bill. He calls it the Vietnam Human Rights Act, which would prevent the U.S. government from increasing non-humanitarian aid to Vietnam until Hanoi shows substantial progress on human rights and personal freedom.

Of course, both of these are very similar and reflect a resemblance to legislation that Congressman Cao introduced during his time in the House of Representatives.
I remain hopeful that in a not-too-distant future, when the President of the United States meets with the President of Vietnam, it will be a meeting of two democratically elected leaders. In the months and years ahead, U.S. officials should continue to urge their Vietnamese counterparts to respect basic freedoms and to move their country toward political pluralism and liberal democracy. As I've said before, supporting human rights in Vietnam is consistent with our most fundamental values as Americans, consistent with our interests as a nation, and consistent with the ideals that motivated America's Founding Fathers to draft the Declaration of Independence.

So thank you for being here today, thank you for your tremendous commitment to the cause of human freedom and human rights, and thank you for allowing me to address you this morning. Thank you very much.

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