Renewal Of The Burmese Freedom And Democracy Act

Floor Speech

Mr. McCONNELL. Mr. President, I rise today to acknowledge passage of H.J. Res. 56, the Burmese Freedom and Democracy Act, which is now on its way to the President's desk for his signature.

As in years past, this resolution will extend import sanctions for another year against Burmese goods in order to maintain economic pressure on the ruling State Peace and Development Council--SPDC. It also continues the Tom Lantos Block Burmese JADE Act, which was enacted last year and further increased sanctions against the junta.

In some circles the value of sanctions has been questioned and, at some point, greater engagement with the regime may be in order. However, by passing this measure, Congress has clearly concluded that such a change in policy would be premature, and for good reason. The very fact that Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi has been put on trial by the regime for trumped-up charges reflects how essential it is to continue these measures against the SPDC. To do otherwise would implicitly condone the junta's actions in trying her. It also would turn a blind eye to the regime having imprisoned Suu Kyi for 13 of the past 20 years, to say nothing of the scores of less well-known political prisoners who currently languish in Burmese prisons.

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon's recent trip to Burma, I think, demonstrates yet again the true nature of this regime. During his visit, he was denied access to Suu Kyi and apparently received no concessions from the junta. This reflects that it is the SPDC that does not want to engage meaningfully with the international community, not the other way around. Therefore, my colleagues and I believe that sanctions against the junta should remain in place until such time as the regime truly commits itself to a course of democratization and reconciliation.

Nor should anyone be fooled by the junta's transparent efforts to legitimize its rule through the scheduled 2010 elections. By excluding Suu Kyi from participating in the elections and by including provisions that would permanently entrench military rule, the new Burmese charter is no more legitimate than the regime that sponsored it. More than halfway through 2009, it is hard to see how next year's elections in Burma are redeemable.

Congress's posture toward the Burmese regime is not just borne out of humanitarian concerns; it also involves important national security considerations. Just this week, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton publicly raised questions about alleged military links between the junta and North Korea. The details of the Burmese-North Korean relationship are murky but, according to the Washington Post, concern has been raised among U.S. officials about a possible budding nuclear relationship between the two autocracies.

Finally, I note that this resolution has brought together 66 Members of this Chamber as cosponsors, more cosponsors than any previous year. This showing reflects yet again the genuine bipartisan support for the people of Burma and opposition to the junta's rule. In this effort, I was pleased to work closely again with my friend Senator Dianne Feinstein, who has long been a vigorous advocate for the Burmese people. Senators McCain and Durbin have also been stalwarts in their support for freedom in Burma, and they once again were at the vanguard of this legislative undertaking. I would close by thanking Brandi White and Ally Bird of my staff for their hard work on this bill.

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