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Public Statements

Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act - Part I

Floor Speech

Location: Washington, DC

The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Smith of Texas). Pursuant to House Resolution 552 and rule XVIII, the Chair declares the House in the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union for the consideration of the bill, H.R. 339.


Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the Whole House on the State of the Union for the consideration of the bill (H.R. 339) to prevent frivolous lawsuits against the manufacturers, distributors, or sellers of food or non-alcoholic beverage products that comply with applicable statutory and regulatory requirements, with Mr. Culberson in the chair.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The CHAIRMAN. Pursuant to the rule, the bill is considered as having been read the first time.

Under the rule, the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner) and the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott) each will control 30 minutes.

The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Wisconsin (Mr. Sensenbrenner).

Mr. SENSENBRENNER. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman, the food industry is our Nation's largest private sector employer, providing jobs to some 12 million Americans. Today, that industry is threatened by an array of legal claims alleging that it should be liable to pay damages for the overconsumption of its legal products by others. H.R. 339, the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act, is designed to foreclose frivolous obesity-related lawsuits against the food industry.
From June 20 to the 22nd of last year, personal injury lawyers from across the country gathered at a conference designed to "encourage and support litigation against the food industry." Attendees were required to sign an affidavit in which they agreed to keep the information they learned confidential and to refrain from consulting with or working for the food industry before December 31, 2006, apparently setting a deadline for bringing that vital industry to its knees in a nationally coordinated legal attack.
The hatred of some lawyers for the food industry is stark. Ralph Nader, for example, has compared food companies to terrorists, saying that the double cheeseburger is "a weapon of mass destruction."
H.R. 339 prohibits obesity or weight-gain-related claims against the food industry, with reasonable exceptions, including those in which a State or Federal law was broken and as a result the person gained weight, and those in which a company violates an expressed contract or warranty. Also, because this bill only applies to claims based on "weight gain" or "obesity," lawsuits could go forward under the bill, if, for example, someone gets sick from a tainted hamburger.
The bill also contains essential provisions governing the conduct of legal proceedings. H.R. 339 includes the very same discovery provisions designed to prevent fishing expeditions that are already a part of our Federal securities laws. It also contains provisions that appropriately require that a complaint set out the fact as to why the case should be allowed to proceed.
Some trial lawyers are mounting an attack on personal responsibility against the advice of the Nation's leading weight-loss experts. Listen to the insightful words of Dr. Gerard Musante, a clinical psychologist with training at Duke University Medical Center, who has worked for more than 30 years with thousands of obese patients. He is the founder of Structure House, a residential weight-loss facility in Durham, North Carolina. Dr. Musante said the following at a Senate hearing on this legislation:
"Through working with obese patients, I have learned that the worst thing one can do is to blame an outside force to get themselves 'off the hook,' to say it's not their fault and that they are a victim. Congress has rightly recognized the danger of allowing Americans to continue blaming others for the obesity epidemic. It is imperative that we prevent lawsuits from being filed against any industry for answering consumer demands. The fact that we are addressing the issue here today is a step in the right direction."
The chairman of the American Council for Fitness and Nutrition, Susan Finn, has also written that "if you are obese, you don't need a lawyer; you need to see your doctor, a nutritionist and a physical trainer. Playing the courtroom blame game won't make anyone thinner or healthier."
Even the Los Angeles Times, which rarely agrees with people on this side of the aisle, has editorialized against such lawsuits, stating, "People shouldn't get stuffed, but this line of litigation should."
On the other hand, the lobbying organization for personal injury attorneys, the Association of Trial Lawyers of America, which opposes this legislation, has published a litigation instruction manual that openly belittles jurors who believe in "personal responsibility." According to that instruction manual, "Often a juror with a high need for personal responsibility fixates on the responsibility of the plaintiff. According to these jurors, a plaintiff must be accountable for his or her own conduct. The personal responsibility jurors tend to espouse traditional family values. Often these jurors have strong religious beliefs. The only solution is to identify these jurors and exclude them from the jury."
Besides threatening to erode values of personal responsibility, the legal campaign against the food industry threatens the separation of powers.

Nationally coordinated lawsuits seek to accomplish through litigation that which has not been achieved by legislation and the democratic process. As one mastermind behind lawsuits against the food industry has stated, "If the legislatures won't legislate, then the trial lawyers will litigate." In order to preserve the separation of powers and support the principle of personal responsibility and to protect the largest private sector employer of the United States, let us pass H.R. 339.
Mr. Chairman, at this time, I will insert in the RECORD jurisdictional letters the gentleman from Texas (Chairman BARTON) and I have exchanged regarding this legislation.

Washington, DC, March 4, 2004.
Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, Washington, DC.

DEAR CHAIRMAN SENSENBRENNER: On January 28, 2004, the Committee on the Judiciary ordered reported H.R. 339, the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act. As ordered reported by your Committee, this legislation contains a number of provisions that could fall within the jurisdiction of the Committee on Energy and Commerce.
Specifically, I believe that H.R. 339 would impose a new scienter requirement with respect to certain enforcement actions taken by agencies and statutes within our jurisdiction. This requirement could fundamentally alters how agencies, such as the Federal Trade Commission and the Food and Drug Administration, enforce violations of laws they administer.
Recognizing your interest in bringing this legislation before the House expeditiously, the Committee on Energy and Commerce agrees not to seek a sequential referral of the bill. In exchange, you have agreed to eliminate our jurisdictional concerns with a floor amendment that expressly eliminates lawsuits brought under the Federal Trade Commission Act and the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act from the definition of "qualified civil liability action" under the legislation.
By agreeing not to seek a sequential referral, the Committee on Energy and Commerce does not waive its jurisdiction over the bill as your committee ordered it reported. In addition, the Committee on Energy and Commerce reserves its right to seek conferees on any provisions within its jurisdiction which are considered in any House-Senate conference.
I request that you include this letter and your response as part of the Congressional Record during consideration of this bill by the House.
Joe Barton,

Washington, DC, March 5, 2004.
Chairman, Committee on Energy and Commerce, U.S. House of Representatives, Washington, DC 20515

DEAR CHAIRMAN BARTON: Thank you for your letter regarding H.R. 339, the "Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act." I appreciate your willingness not to seek a sequential referral of the bill.
I strongly disagree with your assertion of jurisdiction over the bill. I do not believe that H.R. 339, as reported, contains provisions that affect lawsuits by the Federal Trade Commission or the Food and Drug Administration, and the drafters did not intend such suits. Nor do I agree with the description of the bill in the second paragraph of your letter. However, I will include language (a copy of which is attached) in a manager's amendment on the floor to make it clear that such suites are not precluded or otherwise affected by the bill. I will also include language our staffs have discussed in the Committee's report (a copy of which is attached) to further clarify this point.
By agreeing to this resolution of this matter, the Committee on the Judiciary does not acknowledge that the Committee on Energy and Commerce had jurisdiction over provisions of the bill. In addition, the Committee on the Judiciary does not waive any of its jurisdictional claims in these matters.
I will include your letter and this response in the Committee's report on H.R. 339 and in the Congressional Record during the consideration of this bill in the House. I appreciate your cooperation in this matter.
F. James Sensenbrenner, Jr.


Strike the current §4(5)© (the language that excludes suits relating to adulterated foods) and insert:
"© Such term shall not be construed to include an action brought under the Federal Trade Commission Act (15 U.S.C. 41 et seq.) or the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act (21 U.S. 301 et seq.)."
After the Committee on the Judiciary's markup of H.R. 339, the Committee on Energy and Commerce expressed concerns that the definition of "qualified civil liability action" might be construed to include actions under the Federal Trade Commission Act or actions under the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act. The Committee on the Judiciary did not intend to include such actions in the definition and did not believe that the actions were included within its clear terms. Notwithstanding that, both Committees agree on the policy that such actions should not be precluded by H.R. 339. To make this policy agreement abundantly clear, a manager's amendment to be offered during floor consideration of H.R. 339 will strike the current language in §4(5)© excluding adulteration suits and replace it with language stating explicitly that the definition shall not be construed to include actions under the Federal Trade Commission Act or the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act. The Committee on the Judiciary believes that this language will resolve the practical concerns of the Committee on Energy and Commerce.
Mr. Chairman, I reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. WATT. Mr. Chairman, I ask unanimous consent to substitute myself for the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Scott) and control the time in opposition to the bill.

The CHAIRMAN. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from North Carolina?

There was no objection.

Mr. WATT. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I want to start by putting a couple of things in perspective. First of all, I agree with a lot of what the gentleman from Wisconsin (Chairman Sensenbrenner) has said about personal responsibility, so I want to go on record as saying that. I personally like fast food on some occasions, but I also take personal responsibility for my own fitness. So I am not here about personal responsibility. People do have personal responsibility. Let me put that on record.
I am here as the ranking member of the Subcommittee on Commercial and Administrative Law, a subcommittee of the Committee on the Judiciary and, for that reason, I have the responsibility to control the disposition of time on this bill. And because I am standing in the middle of it, I suspect there will be a number of things said that I need to clarify in advance to position myself.
First of all, I suspect that my colleagues are going to hear that I am somehow a defender of fat, irresponsible people today. I suspect that at some time during the course of this debate, I am going to be characterized as the defender of irresponsible litigation. I suspect at some point during the course of this debate today I am going to be characterized as the defender of trial lawyers, the hated trial lawyers that many of my Republican colleagues just despise so much.
Let me make it clear at the outset of this debate that I am not here as any of those things. I personally do not think much of these kinds of lawsuits, and I want to go on record as saying that. But that is not the criteria in which I can evaluate this proposed legislation.
As a member of the Committee on the Judiciary, I have some other responsibilities. I have a responsibility to defend the federalist system that has been set up under which we operate and which is a constitutional framework over which States and local governments have certain responsibilities and over which the Federal Government has certain responsibilities. And too often, what we hear in this body is lip service to that federalist system and lip service to the proposition that people support States' rights and, yet, when the rubber meets the road, they walk away from any commitment to it. I think that is what is happening with this legislation that we are debating today, because this has been an area that has been uniquely within the province of States and State judiciaries and State legislatures.
I also want to warn us against this notion that somehow or another, our court system is run amok and that we should take responsibility as Members of Congress in trying to correct every aspect of our court system. Now, I want to tell my colleagues, I suspect that if there was anybody here who ought to be suspicious and concerned about State courts and State courts running amok, it would be me. I grew up in the era of the civil rights movement, and many of the State court judges during that era were not especially sensitive to people who looked like me and had the racial characteristics that I do. But one of the things that I learned during that process is that I do not always like the result that a court comes out with, but the system of justice and judicial responsibility and the division of responsibilities between the legislative branch and the judicial branch, between the Federal, State, and local governments is a pristine, wonderful system that we should honor, and sometimes we have to be patient and let this work itself out in a way over time, and that is exactly what has happened in this case. From the dropping of this bill to the time that we have come to the floor to debate it today, every single lawsuit that has been filed dealing with this issue, every single lawsuit has been dismissed by the courts.
So when I say this is a solution in search of a problem, understand that there is no problem out there. The court system has already addressed this perceived problem that we have. This, I say to my colleagues, is an effort to take this politicized notion of personal responsibility and try to rub people's faces in it without regard to the federalist system in which we are operating.
This bill would insulate an entire industry from liability and would undermine and insult, insult our State judiciaries in the various States around the country, and the State legislatures and the whole concept of Federalism. The growing trend in this body to attempt to preempt by legislation litigation that is deemed "undesirable" or "frivolous" is very troublesome. It gets us to a legislation by anecdote, a legislation by result, rather than any kind of honoring of the process that we should be working within.
I believe it is arrogant and disrespectful of our system of government. This bill and others like it presume that State courts, State legislatures, and the citizens of the States themselves are woefully incompetent to address burdens on their systems of government and that, somehow, we, as Members of Congress, have some great intellectual capacity and responsibility up here to control everything that exists in our country. It is a wrong-headed approach that we have set upon.
There is absolutely no evidence in support of the proposition that our States cannot handle these matters. The details of this bill drafted in haste will be aptly debated throughout the amendment process. But my major concern, and one that I will reflect in the amendments to the bill that I offer, is what we should be doing as national policymakers. I do not believe that overreacting to every headline constitutes responsible legislating. I hope that this body will get back to the business of evaluating the serious problems confronting the American people and developing some solutions to those problems: employment, the economy, deficits, war. And this bill does not do that. Simply put, as I indicated before, this is a solution in search of a problem, and it would not even be on the floor, I think, today if we were dealing with some of the problems that we really ought to be confronting.
Mr. Chairman, with that, having set the framework, I will reserve the balance of my time.

Mr. SENSENBRENNER. Mr. Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Florida (Mr. Keller), the author of the bill.

Mr. KELLER. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding me this time.
Mr. Chairman, the food industry is the largest private sector employer in the United States, providing jobs for 12 million American citizens. The consequences of these obesity lawsuits against the food industry is that consumers will pay a higher price for food in restaurants. Mom and pop restaurants would face unaffordable insurance rate hikes, and jobs could be cut as a result.
This legislation, in essence, provides that a seller or maker of a lawful food product shall not be subject to civil liability where the claim is premised upon an individual's weight gain relating to the consumption of that food. This is a narrowly-drawn, measured piece of legislation. It does not immunize the food industry. This legislation does not preclude suits from false advertising, mislabeling of food, adulterated foods, or injuries from eating tainted food. The gist of this legislation is that there should be common sense in the food court, not blaming other people in the legal court.
Most people have enough common sense to realize that if they eat an unlimited amount of french fries, milk shakes, and cheeseburgers without exercising, it can possibly lead to obesity. But in a country like the United States where freedom of choice is cherished, nobody is forced to supersize their fast food meals or to choose less healthy options on the menu. Similarly, no one is forced to sit in front of their TV all day and play video games, instead of walking or bike riding.
Richard Simmons, the famous exercise guru, recently said that people who bring these lawsuits against the food industry do not need a lawyer, they need a psychiatrist, and the American public seems to agree. In a recent objective Gallup poll, nearly nine out of 10 Americans, 89 percent, oppose holding the fast food industry legally responsible for the diet-related health problems of people who eat that kind of food. Interestingly, overweight people agreed with skinny people that the fast food industry should not be held responsible for these types of claims.
Which brings me to the subject of lawyers. And, while we are here, some of the same lawyers who went after the tobacco industry now have a goal of suing the food industry for $117 billion, which is the amount the Surgeon General estimates as the public health costs attributable to being overweight.
Now, based on a standard contingency fee of 40 percent, that means these selfless lawyers interested in public good would be recovering $47 billion for themselves in attorneys' fees, and that is, ultimately, what this is about. In fact, in June of 2003, lawyers from all across the United States gathered in Boston for what they called the first annual conference on legal approaches to the obesity epidemic. To attend each work shop, the people had to sign an affidavit to attend the legal work shop in which it said, "This is intended to encourage and support litigation against the food industry." One of the ringleaders of this litigation conference is a lawyer named John Banzhaf. Mr. Banzhaf freely admits that his goal is to open the floodgates of litigation against our Nation's largest private sector employer: the food industry.

[Time: 12:45]

Specifically, Mr. Banzhaf said this: "Somewhere there is going to be a judge and a jury that will buy this. And once we get the first verdict, as we did with tobacco, it will open the flood gates."
Now, the Democrats could have called anybody they wanted to. We had a hearing on this. But they chose to call this man who says it will open the flood gates. He wants to open the flood gates. That is what they said then. Then they come here today and it is, What do you mean? There is no intent to sue the food industry. Well, indeed, lawsuits have been filed against McDonald's, Burger King, Wendy's, KFC, Kraft/Nabisco with new suits now threatened by Mr. Banzhaf and others against the makers of ice cream.
The New York suits included one with a man named Caesar Barber, who went on "60 Minutes" and told them, "I want compensation for pain and suffering." "60 Minutes" said, "How much money do you want?" Caesar Barber: "Maybe $1 million. That is not a lot of money right now."
We must think of what this is about. The litigation against the food industry is not going to make a single person any skinnier; it is only going to serve to make the trial attorneys' bank accounts a lot fatter.
In summary, we need to make it tougher for lawyers to file frivolous lawsuits. We need to care about each other more and sue each other less. We need to get back to the old-fashioned principles of common sense, of personal responsibility and get away from this new culture where everybody plays the victim and sues others for their problem.
This legislation is a step in the right direction. I urge my colleagues to vote "yes" on H.R. 339.

Mr. WATT. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself 1 minute simply to respond to the prior speaker.
Here we go, exactly what I said was about to happen is happening. 89 percent of the public support does not support these kinds of lawsuits, but that does not mean that we need a Federal statute to deal with this issue. In fact, it probably means exactly the opposite of that.
Second, there have been a number of suits filed and every single one of them has been dismissed up to this point. So the process is working. And you are already beginning to see that this is really about having this opportunity in an official context to beat up on trial lawyers. We ought to be trying to do some serious legislating rather than just politicking with this bill.
Mr. Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Virginia, Mr. Scott.

Mr. SCOTT of Virginia. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Whatever the merits of the lawsuits which provoke this legislation are, we ought to focus on the fact that lawsuits ought to be tried in court, where evidence can be heard and objective law applied.
Today, we are allowing one industry to have the privilege of trying its lawsuit with politicians who will take politics and polls into consideration instead of being treated the same as other citizens who have to try their cases in court. If the case on behalf of the food industry is strong, then courts will know what to do; they can dismiss the cases.
Furthermore, if based on the evidence and the law the court finds that the law suit is frivolous, the court may assess sanctions against the plaintiffs and lawyers who file the suits. In fact, it is my understanding that all of the lawsuits have in fact been dismissed. So what is wrong with the food industry being treated the same as other industries when it comes to courts deciding whether or not there is responsibility for injuries to others? And what is wrong with trying cases in court with unbiased judges and juries hearing both sides of the case according to rules which allow both sides to produce all relevant witnesses who will be heard and cross-examined?
This process is in stark contrast to the congressional procedure where committee chairmen invite the witnesses they want and cross-examination of witnesses is severely constrained both in time and by the fact that the interested parties are not able to cross-examine anyone.
Mr. Chairman, in a democracy it is fundamentally wrong for some industries to have the privilege of trying their cases in a forum where their political allies will decide the merits of the case while everyone else is relegated to the court system where evidence is heard and the law applied by judges and juries without political considerations. This bill sets a bad precedent. I therefore hope my colleagues will oppose this bill.

Mr. SENSENBRENNER. Mr. Chairman, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Granger).

Ms. GRANGER. Mr. Chairman, on Saturday I handed out awards to some 4,600 kids that participated with me in the Cowtown 5-K running race the weekend before. I was happy to promote an activity that gets kids moving. And I think that getting young people in events like the Cowtown race is a much better way to combat obesity than targeting fast-food restaurants with frivolous lawsuits.
The question before this body today is simply, Should it be just as easy to file a lawsuit against a restaurant for causing obesity as it is to drive through the nearest take-out window for a quick burger and fries? The answer is no.
The issue before us is responsibility, individual and personal responsibility for how we eat and how we exercise. We all know the statistics: two-thirds of Americans are overweight; 15 percent of our children are too heavy; obesity rates among teenagers have tripled in the last 20 years. Blaming the fast-food industry is not the answer to reducing obesity in America.
Americans can sue the McDonald'ses and Burger Kings of the world until these establishments can pay no more, but not one American will lose weight until they eat better and exercise more frequently.
I support this legislation because I do not want Americans to have a crutch for their overweight problem: restaurants and the fast-food industry. Instead, I want to provide Americans a better way, a healthy life-style.
If we really want to address the obesity epidemic, we must focus on educating youngsters about the dangers of being overweight and how eating the wrong foods only packs the pounds on. You could utilize programs such as the CDC's Youth Media Campaign, otherwise known as the VERB program.
VERB is a proven program that encourages kids to get out and walk, bike, run, jog, play basketball, baseball, skateboard, anything but just sitting in the house and watching television.
The net result of lawsuits that blame the fast-food industry for our overweight problems will be higher prices and lost jobs, not healthier Americans. Eating right and increasing physical activity is the answer to a slimmer, trimmer, fitter America, not lawsuits.

Mr. WATT. Mr. Chairman, I yield 5 minutes to the gentlewoman from the District of Columbia (Ms. Norton).

Ms. NORTON. Mr. Chairman, I thank the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Watt), the subcommittee chair, for yielding and for his very sensible approach to this issue.
I do not know if my good friends on the other side of the aisle are trying to change their political identity, but I thought they stood for federalism and local control. They are, however, developing a pattern of coming to the floor in response to interest groups to knock out lawsuits even when they are winning in the courts. What a waste of time.
Fast-food suits can hardly be the American answer to obesity, a public health problem; but they may be part of a revolution that is occurring in the fast-food industry. And I say to the fast-food industry, keep bringing on those changes at McDonald's and all the rest of these fast-food places that are hearing us one way or the other.
We all believe you have to take responsibility for what goes into your own mouth. I come to the floor because I think there is a great audacity in coming to the floor, as the other side is, to talk about personal responsibility when we are talking about a public health problem for which our government has not taken responsibility.
I worked with Chairman Porter, who, a couple years ago, retired from the House, on an appropriation that started at $125 million. He started with children. I had a bill called Lifetime Improvement in Food and Exercise, LIFE; and we joined forces. He came to the Congress to a reception just to press the notion once again last year.
Secretary Thompson had the audacity to go on television yesterday talking about some penny ante things that the administration is going to do. After having reduced this amount from $125 million this year to $5 million, they tried in the last 2 years to get it to zero. This is money that was going into reducing obesity among children.
In today's Washington Times, the front page says, and I quote, "Inactive Americans are Eating Themselves to Death at an Alarming Rate. Their unhealthy habits are approaching tobacco as the top underlying preventable cause of death, a government study found."
What is the government going to do about its government study? I hope it does more than stop the trial litigation in the States, obviously not the answer to this problem when 60 percent of our people are overweight or obese.
An ad campaign as described by the Secretary himself consists of humor when they say you should get off your duff and walk your children around the block. Mr. Chairman, this is far more serious than that. This is the major health problem second only to smoking.
I am grateful to the Committee on Appropriations that instead of zeroing out public health money for the last 2 years, the appropriation has put in money. We are going to be trying to get money again this year so we do more than talk about obesity or try to stop litigation.
When you look at the amount of money that we have put into this problem ourselves, we started with a good Republican Chair of the HHS subcommittee, starting at $125 million. Then he retires and the administration, his administration tries to zero it out.
This Congress says, no, we will not put 125. If the President wants it gone, we will put 68, then the third year 51, last year $35.8 million. Well, we are going down, not up; but people rush to the floor, the Committee on the Judiciary regards it as a priority to stop some lawsuits that are stopping themselves. That is my concern.
My bill, Lifetime Improvement in Food and Exercise, which I joined with Chairman Porter in producing this first, first significant public health money, is now being eroded by the administration. And I now find myself with only $5 million in the administration's budget this time rather than zero; $5 million reduced from $125 million means they want public health money to combat obesity gone.
I am going to ask the Members of this House to help me in restoring money to face this public health problem so that people who are bringing lawsuits out there know that we can do more than try to knock out lawsuits that are knocking themselves out, but that we are taking public health responsibility for a public health crisis, just as we expect them to take personal responsibility for what they eat every day.

Mr. WATT. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Mr. Chairman and Members, I would just reiterate a couple of points. It strikes me that given what has transpired since this bill was introduced, even if it was originally a good idea and even if you accepted the notion that State courts were going to be irresponsible and not do what they are supposed to be doing, now that we have seen the passage of time and had the proof that State courts will dismiss these lawsuits, even if this bill was a good idea, it seems to me that we have proven with the passage of time that it is now definitely a solution in search of a problem. The lawsuits have been dismissed.

[Time: 13:00]

So, in effect, the system has worked exactly like we would like it to work. That is the way our system is set up. If an individual believes that he has a cause of action and they believe that they have been wronged, or somebody has failed in meeting a standard that is applicable, they have the right to file a lawsuit, go to court, and have that court make a determination on their lawsuit. And that is exactly what has happened.
Now, quite often people make those judgments in different ways and you end up with lawsuits being filed that get dismissed. And that happens to probably well over 90 percent of the cases that get filed in court-they get dismissed before they come to trial.
Does that mean that they are all frivolous? Well, some of them probably are frivolous. And there are rules in place that allow the courts to sanction people and fine them and charge them attorneys fees of the opposing party when they file frivolous lawsuits. But people still file frivolous lawsuits, and those rules then are triggered and the courts handle that.
Does it mean that even the frivolous lawsuits should not have been dismissed? Well, there is another category of cases where there is not enough law to support filing a lawsuit. Whether you have a good lawsuit is a function of whether you have got the facts and a function of whether you have got the law on your side. But our system is set up to allow courts to make that determination, and I would submit that State courts have as much expertise, probably more expertise, in making these determinations than our Federal judiciary.
The next point I would draw from this is that as these lawsuits have been dismissed, it strikes me that it is less and less and less likely that subsequent lawsuits will be filed because then you have got a backdrop against which people can go into court and say, well, this issue has been determined by a court adversely and so it should not be here. There is an increased possibility, probability that courts will find that subsequent lawsuits are frivolous in this area. But all of those things argue for our staying out of this and not building a whole new Federal framework for dealing with a problem that does not exist because our system is working.
Now, the next point I want to make that I have heard come out of this general debate up to this point is this job loss notion. I have heard some really interesting explanations by this administration about why we are losing jobs in this country. But this about takes all I have heard. Here we are now with some of my colleagues saying, well, if we allow these lawsuits to be filed against McDonalds or whatever the fast food chains are, we are going to result in job loss, and that is what is causing the big job loss in this country.
Give me a break. We ought to know better. And there are a bunch of reasons that I could go into about why we are losing jobs, but this would be about the 999,000th reason that I would get to before I would be identifying a source for job loss in this country. So we are kind of grasping at straws here, from my perspective, on that argument.
Finally, it amazes me how the same people who, over and over and over, had campaigned saying they believe in local control and States' rights. When they do not get the result that they want at the State level or even in this case when they do get the result that they want at the State level because all of these cases have been resolved adversely that have been filed, it is amazing to me why we think in our arrogance in this body that we ought to just take over because we do not like the result or we think State legislators are incompetent or local elected officials are incompetent, we ought to take it over at the Federal level and forget about the constitutional framework that we are operating in. And it is more inexcusable to me when these bills come out of the Committee on the Judiciary, where there should be the highest of respect for the constitutional parameters in which we operate.
This is not something that we should be doing from a number of different perspectives. And I just beg my colleagues, I guess it is a good debate. It is a good way to get us out here on the floor and take up some time when we really ought to be talking about the things that are really causing job loss. We are out here grasping at straws looking for some something to do today. Do we not have something else that we could be doing on the floor today that really honors our constitutional framework? Surely there must be something better.
Mr. Chairman, I yield back the balance of my time.

Mr. SENSENBRENNER. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Chairman, I have been listening to this debate since it began and until the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Watt) got up and brought in the whole subject of job loss, I did not hear anything about job loss at all.
Well, this bill is about preventing job loss because if a franchisee of a major national fast food chain ends up getting sued, he will be out of business, even if he wins his lawsuits because of all the legal fees and deposition fees and expert witness fees that he is going to have to pay.
So it seems to me that for once, Congress is getting ahead of the curve on this because we do have the evidence that a bunch of plaintiffs lawyers got together and they required everybody who went to this conference to sign an affidavit of confidentiality and a promise that they would not consult with or represent the food industry until the end of 2006.
Now, let us get back to what this bill consists of. This bill consists of imposing personal responsibility. And in my part of the general debate, I quoted Susan Finn, who is the head of the American Council on Fitness and Nutrition. She said, "If you are obese, do not get a lawyer. See your doctor. See a nutritionist and see a personal trainer, because you made yourself obese. It was not the system that did it or the local fast food chain that did it. You did it yourself."
And then I quoted the doctor who runs the residential facility in Durham, North Carolina, and he said, "The worst thing in the world you can do for an obese person is to give them a way out, to let them blame somebody else. They are going to have to look in the mirror if they want to get better and they want to prevent themselves from having all the health problems and lowered life expectancy as a result of eating too much and eating too much of bad stuff."
So, let us talk about saving jobs before they go. Let us talk about not giving people who are in denial a reason to get themselves off the hook. And let us talk about putting some sense in our legal system because it is not the food industry or those who sell a legal product that make people obese. It is people buying too much and consuming too much of that legal product. That is what this bill attempts to address and that is why it ought to pass.
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Mr. CANTOR. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of legislation to end misguided obesity-related lawsuits. The Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act, H.R. 339, would take a strong step forward in accomplishing this goal. I strongly support this common sense legislation and believe it is time to end frivolous lawsuits against our nation's 878,000 restaurants and their 12 million employees.
In recent years, our nation's vast restaurant industry has come under attack from absurd obesity lawsuits. This litigation has bogged down the judicial process and threatens small business owners. A recent poll shows that 89 percent of Americans believe that restaurants should not be held liable for an individual's obesity or weight gain. The National Restaurant Association believes lawsuits attacking food is not the answer to our nation's obesity problem. Emphasis must be placed on education, personal responsibility, moderation, and healthier lifestyles.
This legislation would prevent food companies from being held liable for the condition of obese and overweight consumers. Our public health would remain protected and any establishment distributing food that has a defect or that is improperly prepared will be held accountable.
Mr. Chairman, the time has come to end these lawsuits against our American restaurants and small business owners.

Mr. STARK. Mr. Chairman, I rise in opposition to the so-called Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act. This legislation is unnecessary. Lawsuits brought against fast food companies for allegedly causing obesity have been routinely thrown out. The fact is the law has worked in repelling bogus legal claims.
Yet, I suppose just like every other self-serving business lobby in Washington, the fast food industry wants the Republicans to protect them from being responsible. It's as if they're asking the GOP to "super size it" with a massively overreaching bill that grants fast food companies broad and unprecedented liability protection even in instances where they are clearly negligent.
Remember now that this legislation is an unnecessary response to a completely imagined problem. Consider then the impact it will have on ordinary Americans if they are injured by reckless behavior.
Well, to start with, this bill says that if a fast food chain is reckless and causes injury in a manner that is not already prohibited under state or federal law, they can't be held accountable. Second, if a fast food restaurant does break a state or federal law but says they didn't mean to do it, they get off just as easy.
This is a question of responsibility. I don't think most Americans believe anyone ought to get this kind of special treatment, especially when the result might well be more reckless and dangerous behavior.
Finally, let me just say that I find it interesting we would bring up the issue of obesity without a meaningful discussion of ways in which we can promote better health.
There is no discussion in this chamber today about making sure children are learning about and getting better nutrition. There is not a word mentioned about better food labeling so that Americans are better informed about the impact their choice of diet has on their health and longevity. We aren't talking about making sure the fast food industry fully discloses the health risks of high fat food that they have continually marketed and made easily accessible in every corner of this country.
I ask my colleagues to vote down this unneeded and potentially damaging legislation-it's a matter for the courts, not Congress. We ought to focus on bringing Americans to better health, rather than the healthy profits of the fast food industry.

Ms. JACKSON-LEE of Texas. Mr. Chairman, I strongly oppose this bill. It is advertised as a bill that stops frivolous lawsuits. Essentially, it really is frivolous legislation. Fast food lawsuits are extremely rare, and existing court procedures already weed most of them out before they get to trial. This is a manufactured issue, and this bill was created just to get a political score, catering to big corporations. The real problem is that to get that political score, this bill compromises the rights of states, denies citizens their right to be heard in a court of law, and impinges on the judiciary.
Furthermore, this bill will stifle a dialogue that is leading to better information and education about the health effects of various ingredients, and encouraging the food industry to develop more healthful products. This silly bill could cost lives.
Court procedures that have been carefully developed over the centuries already ensure that defendants are treated fairly. It is up to the courts to decide if a case is frivolous. Our legal system has multiple procedural safeguards to ensure defendants' rights. For example, judges monitor filings at every step, and can dismiss cases that lack merit at any time. Sufficient quality evidence must be present for any case to proceed. Attorneys can be punished and, in some cases, may be required to pay monetary penalties if they bring frivolous cases to court, or otherwise abuse the process. Also, the contingency fee system keeps attorneys from taking baseless cases. Usually, they only get paid if a judge or jury determines that the case was not frivolous.
However, just the threat of such cases has made our food supply safer and more healthful. Since the press coverage of obesity lawsuits began, fast food chains and junk food producers have taken more responsibility for their products. Consider the following developments: after publicity over a lawsuit against Kraft Foods regarding the dangerous trans-fat found in Oreo cookies, the FDA issued requirements that food labels reveal exact levels of the artery-clogger. According to the Associated Press; "the FDA has estimated that merely revealing trans-fat content on labels would save between 2,000 and 5,600 lives a year, as people either would choose healthier foods or manufacturers would change their recipes to leave out the damaging ingredient."
The New York Times has reported that Kraft and other major food companies, like McDonalds, Kellogg and PepsiCo, have promised to change how they produce foods and to take health concerns into greater consideration. The New York City public school system banned candy, soda and other sugary snacks from school vending machines to combat obesity among schoolchildren.
Although the most recent lawsuit against McDonalds was dismissed in September, it was still followed by a sudden wave of corporate responsibility. McDonalds will now offer a "Go Active Meal" for adults modeled after the children's Happy Meal. It will contain a healthy salad along with exercise tools. Burger King has joined the effort by creating low fat chicken baguettes for health conscious consumers, and Pizza Hut is offering the Fit 'N Delicious
pizza that is only 150 calories per large pizza compared to the 450 calories in just one slice of its Stuffed Crust pizza.
I am against frivolous lawsuits, and hope the courts will continue to exercise restraint and control in protecting the defendants from ridiculous claims. But the few suits that have come up have cost very little overall, and have started a public dialogue that has led to a new level of corporate responsibility and consumer awareness. We should not interfere with that dialogue.
In effort to lessen the frivolous nature of this bill, I offer two amendments and ask that my colleagues join me to save what promises to be an attempted legislative fix to a problem that has already been addressed in the courts. First of all, for the sake of clarification, this bill prohibits suits against food manufacturers, and relies on the definition of "food" under the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act. In 1994, Congress passed the Dietary Supplement Health and Education Act to clarify that "a dietary supplement shall be deemed to be a food" for all purposes within the Food, Drug and Cosmetic Act (21 USC 301 (ff)). Because this bill relies on this definition of "food," it also applies to dietary supplements.
The first of these amendments, "MJ-004," will ensure that dietary supplement manufacturers don't get away with murder. This bill, as drafted, bans not only so-called "obesity-related suits," but any civil action that "relate[s] to ..... a person's consumption of a qualified product ..... and any health condition that is associated with a person's weight gain." Note that the person with the health condition does not have to be obese, they only have to have a health condition that obese people also have. Heart disease and kidney problems would be some of those diseases, for example. Hidden in this convoluted definition is the fact that this bill will shield the producers of dietary supplements from all liability. I offer this amendment to ensure that makers of these highly dangerous-and highly unregulated-drugs are held accountable for their actions.
Now that ephedra is gone, new diet drugs are already taking its place: bitter orange, aristolochic acid and usnic acid. All three have been associated with kidney and liver problems. While the FDA claims that it will look into the matter, we all saw what happened the last time the FDA began its cumbersome process. How many people will die this time? While the government works through its bureaucratic process, we have to let people have their day in court to stop these tragic events from happening again.
I offered an amendment, "WATT-019," in addition to "MJ-004." This amendment would prohibit the food industry-which enjoys broad immunity under this bill-from initiating lawsuits against any person for damages for other relief due to injury or potential injury based on a person's consumption of a qualified product and weight gain, obesity, or any health condition that is associated with a person's weight gain or obesity.
This amendment is necessary to insure that the public debate on the health and nutritious effects of mass marketed food products is not completely squelched by this bill.
In 1996, Oprah Winfrey was sued under my home state's "food disparagement" laws by the beef industry for comments she made following the first "Mad cow" scare this country witnessed. After years of litigation, transfer of her television show to Texas, and an expenditure of over $1 million, Ms. Winfrey prevailed at trial and on appeal.
My amendment insures that what's good for the geese is good for the gander. Those advancing healthy diets by discouraging the consumption of certain foods because of their adverse effects on a person's health and weight gain should not be subject to litigation from the food industry while it stands immunized from any accountability under this bill.
I will vote against this bill and urge my colleagues to do the same.

Mr. SHUSTER. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of H.R. 339, the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act. This common sense legislation would prohibit lawsuits that claim a food manufacturer or seller is responsible for an individual's weight gain or obesity.
The food service industry is our nation's largest private sector employer, providing more than 12 million jobs in this country. Due to the industry's success of selling a legal product and meeting consumer demands, they have become the next target for the personal injury trial lawyers. If we do not pass this legislation, we will clear the way for the next free-for-all and litigation-lottery created to line the pockets of trial lawyers and send the message to Americans that they no longer have to be responsible for their actions. Make no mistake about it, this legislation is about personal responsibility. Each individual must be held accountable for their own personal choices and that includes the choices they make regarding what and how much they eat.
By supporting this legislation, we are not turning our backs on this country's problem with obesity but will in fact take one step closer in addressing the issue in a responsible and reasonable manner. As a nation, we must look for solutions to this public health problem. However, the solutions will not be found in the courtroom. Baseless and frivolous lawsuits are a misguided attempt to correct the poor eating habits of Americans and will not help a single individual in their struggle with obesity. The answers to our nation's struggle with weight and the associated health problems can be found by educating individuals about healthy lifestyle choices. It is doctors, nutritionists, and other health care providers that can offer help to overweight Americans-not personal injury lawyers. If lawsuits that blame the food industry for an individual's weight gain are allowed, we will simply make it easier for individuals to shift the blame to someone else. In a society that values choices and personal freedom, I believe we must take responsibility for our own choices in order to preserve them. We cannot stand by and let trial lawyers attempt to legislate through litigation. I urge my colleagues to vote for common sense and personal responsibility by supporting this important legislation.

Mr. BLUMENAUER. Mr. Chairman, if anyone needed an example of how Congress misses opportunities to make a difference, they need only to look at today's discussion of H.R. 339, a fast food tort reform bill. The very title invites parody. At a time when obesity is the fastest growing health care in America, affecting over one-third of American adults and touching almost every family, and when we have particular concern about an explosion of childhood obesity and related illnesses, there is good reason for Congress to become concerned.
Congress could make a real difference by providing reasonable diet standards including school lunch programs to help remedy this epidemic. Another step would be to have education reform and "leave no child behind," have a provision dealing with children's health. Physical education is not a part of Congress' answer to school reform, and we find today that most of our children do not get regular physical activity as a daily part of the school curriculum. In our transportation bill we could provide major opportunities for safe routes to school so that our children could walk and bike to school on their own. These would be simple, commonsense, cost-effective steps to improve the health of our children and their families, while improving the environment and quality of life.
Instead of dealing substantively with the obesity problem, Congress in its wisdom has seen fit to continue selectively tinkering with the legal system by providing immunity from litigation. Never mind there has never been a jury verdict for a plaintiff in an obesity lawsuit. Corporations like McDonalds are well suited to take care of themselves, but the House leadership is taking a page out of their recent outrageous, unprecedented immunity for gun manufacturers. Not only is this legislation unneeded, but it would immunize defendants for negligent and reckless behavior including mislabeling of food products, something that I find impossible to explain to American consumers.
I find this trivializing a serious issue, undercutting fundamental legal protections, and providing a remedy for a problem that does not, at this point, appear to exist.

Mr. HAYES. Mr. Chairman, I rise today in support of H.R. 339--the Personal Responsibility in Food Consumption Act. This legislation will help to avoid frivolous lawsuits that will serve only to victimize innocent restaurants and make the American consumer pay a price. Frivolous lawsuits are driving up the cost of doing business in this country and it's costing us jobs. The simple fact is that responsibility for obesity here in America rests with the individual choices made by each citizen. And this legislation makes that clear.
Recently, an editor in my district made this point very clear. I would like to quote from his column, which ran in the Richmond County Daily Journal, which I believe represents the spirit of this important legislation.
McDonald's nor any of its comrades in the fast-food world, doesn't hold a gun to your head and force you to eat Supersize fries. You-and you alone-make that decision; McDonald's is simply following supply-and-demand protocol by offering Supersize fries.
The Big M in the Sky didn't make you obese; you did.
It is past time in this country for all individuals to take responsibility for the choices and freedoms available to us as Americans and cease passing the buck through frivolous lawsuits that blame others for our poor decisions.
I strongly urge my colleagues to support this legislation that will prevent lawsuits based on poor decision-making.

Mr. CONYERS. Mr. Chairman, I rise in strong opposition to this legislation which is both misleading and frivolous.
H.R. 339 goes much further than its stated purpose of banning the small handful of private suits brought against the food industry. It also bans suits for harm caused by dietary supplements and mislabeling which have nothing to do with

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