Motion to Discharge--S. Res. 504

Floor Speech

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Mr. SANDERS. Madam President, under section 502B of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, I move to discharge the Committee on Foreign Relations from further consideration of S. Res. 504.
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Mr. SANDERS. Madam President, let me apologize to my colleagues for being late. It turns out today was not a great day to travel by plane. I thank the leadership for delaying the vote as well.

We will soon be voting on a resolution requesting information on Israel's human rights practices under section 502B(c) of the Foreign Assistance Act.

There has been some confusion as to what this resolution does and does not do. I would like to say a few words about why it is critical that this resolution come to the floor, why it is imperative that this resolution be passed, imperative that we have this debate and recorded vote, and why Congress must have the information requested in this resolution.

Very sensibly, the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, requires that any security assistance or military equipment provided by the United States of America to any country must be used in line with internationally recognized human rights. This is not a radical idea and something I hope that we all agree with. This act prohibits assistance to any government that engages in a consistent pattern of human rights violations.

This is U.S. law established over 50 years ago--not a new idea. The act also provides Congress with several oversight tools to ensure that this law is followed. One such tool is section 502B(c), which allows Congress to direct the State Department to provide information on the human rights record of any country--any country--receiving U.S. military assistance.

That is what this resolution does, in line with 50-year-old existing law. It directs the State Department to provide any credible information it may have on potential violations of internationally recognized human rights by Israel in its military campaign in Gaza.

It focuses on the denial of the right to life caused by indiscriminate or disproportionate military operations as well as by restrictions on humanitarian access.

It also asks for information on steps the United States has taken to limit civilian risk in this war, a certification that the Leahy laws are being fully applied, and a summary of the arms and munitions provided to Israel since October 7.

This is a simple request for information. That is all this resolution is about. It does not alter aid to Israel in any way; it simply requests a report on how U.S. aid is being used. This is a very modest, commonsense proposal, and, frankly, it is hard for me to understand why anyone would oppose it.

So we will soon be voting on a very simple question: Do we support asking the State Department for information on whether human rights violations may have occurred using U.S. assistance in Israel's military campaign? That is it. That is what this resolution is about. It is noncontroversial, and it should be passed in large numbers. This is not the case today. We don't have the information.

The State Department will provide a report. The information requested in this resolution is straightforward to provide--not hard for the State Department--and it is critical to congressional oversight. The State Department should have it readily available, as required under current U.S. law and policy. Further, in the highly unlikely event the 30-day deadline is not met by the State Department, the law allows Congress to pass a measure continuing aid. After the report is received, Congress may then consider any changes it deems necessary for security assistance to the country in question. Any such resolution must pass both Houses of Congress and be signed by the President.

But, again, what we are voting on today is simply a request for information. Let me say a few words as to why this resolution is necessary, and these rather horrific photographs behind me I think say it all.

First, it is necessary because of the scale of the destruction in Gaza, the indiscriminate nature of the military campaign, the humanitarian catastrophe that is now occurring, and the limits on humanitarian access--food, water, medical supplies, and fuel.

Second, because of the extensive use of U.S. weapons in attacks that have killed thousands of civilians. Much of the destruction that has taken place in Gaza has been done with U.S. weapons.

Thirdly, I am concerned about the implications of some of the very extreme statements and unclear intentions coming out of the Netanyahu government.

(Mr. WARNOCK assumed the Chair.)

It has been more than 100 days since this war began with the horrific Hamas terrorist attack which killed 1,200 innocent men, women, and children in Israel, and which took more than 200 hostages, over 100 of whom are still cruelly being held in captivity as of today.

While there is no question in my mind that Israel has the right to defend itself and go to war against Hamas, who started this terrible situation, Israel does not have the right to go to war against the entire Palestinian people, innocent men, women, and children in Gaza. Tragically, that is what we are seeing right now.

As we all know, the military campaign being waged by the rightwing Netanyahu government has led to massive destruction and widespread civilian harm. This has been far and away the most intensive bombing campaign of the 21st century. As President Biden has said repeatedly and the press and human rights monitors have exhaustively documented, this bombardment has been largely indiscriminate.

The results of this bombing campaign have been catastrophic, and I underline the word ``catastrophic.''

Since October 7, the start of the war, over 24,000 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli bombs and over 60,000 have been injured and wounded. Seventy percent of these victims are women and children, and it is believed that thousands more victims lie under the rubble of destroyed buildings in Gaza.

Since the beginning of this war, 1.9 million Palestinian men, women, and children have been driven from their homes. That is 85 percent--85 percent of the total population of Gaza has been forced out of their homes. Where are they going? They have been driven here. They have been driven there. They do not even know today whether they are ever going to be able to return to their homes. These are impoverished people who have no idea as to what their future is or will be.

Despite the sharing of coordinates with Israeli forces, 40 United Nations facilities have sustained direct hits, 61 U.N. installations have suffered collateral damage, and 150 U.N. workers have been killed--150 U.N. workers have been killed.

United Nations reports that over 234,000 housing units have been damaged and more than 46,000 homes completely destroyed in Gaza, amounting to nearly 70 percent--70 percent--of the housing stock, a figure confirmed by academic analysis of satellite radar data. That means--and this is rather an incredible reality--that means that the destruction of Gaza after 100 days has surpassed the destruction of Dresden during World War II, where half the homes in that city were destroyed, and is beyond the damage in dozens of other German cities subjected to years of bombing during World War II.

Today, not only are the vast majority of people in Gaza homeless, but they lack food, water, medical supplies, and fuel. A recent U.N. report indicates that half of the population of about 2.2 million people are at risk of starvation, and 90 percent say they regularly go without food for a whole day. Parents there go out of their way to make sure their kids eat first.

The chief economist at the World Food Programme said that the humanitarian disaster in Gaza was among the worst he had ever seen. Aid groups say that in the coming weeks, the entire population of Gaza could face famine.

Let us be clear. The reason as to why this resolution must be passed today is that right now, right now as we speak, hundreds of thousands of children in Gaza, innocent children, are starving right before our eyes. We cannot turn away. We must act.

Tragically, despite the efforts of the U.N. and others, despite the growing humanitarian crisis we are seeing, the situation has actually gotten worse in terms of getting aid to the people in need, to these children. Aid groups say that humanitarian access actually deteriorated in January compared to December. Trucks are crossing the border much too slowly, much too few, but even these trucks can't go beyond the immediate border area because the Netanyahu government won't let them proceed in a way that is safe.

That is the situation as it stands today. Humanitarian workers who have spent decades serving in war zones say that this catastrophe goes beyond anything they have ever seen.

Let me repeat. This is not some tragedy taking place in Asia, in Africa--God knows there are enough tragedies all over the world--but this is a tragedy in which we, the United States of America, are complicit. Much of what is happening, much of the bombardment and the other actions that we are seeing now, is happening right now with U.S. arms and equipment. In other words, whether we like it or not, the United States is complicit in the nightmare that millions of Palestinians are now experiencing.

The Wall Street Journal reported on December 1 that the United States had provided at least 15,000 bombs and 57,000 artillery shells to Israel, including more than 5,400 huge, 2,000-pound bombs that can flatten entire neighborhoods. The Washington Post reported that in just 6 weeks after October 7, Israel dropped more than 22,000 American- supplied bombs on Gaza--22,000 American-supplied bombs. CNN reported that nearly half of these bombs were unguided, so-called dumb bombs.

So that is where we find ourselves at this moment. Mr. President, 24,000 Palestinians in Gaza are dead--70 percent are women and children--and 60,000 have been wounded. Seventy percent of the housing stock has been damaged or destroyed, and almost 2 million people are trying to survive with inadequate supplies of food, water, medicine, or fuel. And the humanitarian situation is getting worse by the minute. Hundreds of thousands of beautiful children are facing starvation.

Given the scale of the destruction and the extensive use of American arms, military equipment, in this campaign, Congress must act, and that is why we must pass this 502B resolution. We must ensure that U.S. aid is being used in accordance with international human rights and our own laws.

A vote for this resolution is simply to request more information on a tragic situation that the American people care about.

Go back home, I say to my colleagues--red State, blue State, purple State--this issue, this suffering, is on the minds of the American people.

That is all this resolution does.

Now a vote against this resolution--which I have a hard time really understanding--it says: I don't want more information. I am going to vote against this resolution. I don't want a report from the State Department. I don't want to know how U.S. military aid in Israel is being used. I don't want to know what responsibility the United States may have for this humanitarian disaster. I want to keep my head in the sand. I don't want to see what is going on.

And, frankly, no matter what your view on this terrible war may be-- agree with me; you don't agree with me--we cannot bury our eyes in the sand.

The truth is that since that terrible day on October 7 when Hamas attacked Israel, the Senate has had little meaningful debate on this war, despite the horrific toll and the deep concerns of many Americans. We have passed symbolic resolutions, but we have not considered a single measure that grapples with the unprecedented destruction, the humanitarian crisis, or the use of American weapons in a military campaign that has left so many dead, wounded, and displaced.

Now, no matter what happens on this vote, I know that this will not be the end of this debate. It is just the beginning.

And, finally, I would like to say a word about this resolution's broader importance. Right now, we are focusing on Israel, as we should, given the situation in Gaza. But, in general, what this provision does is extremely sensible. It demands accountability as to how U.S. military aid is used and whether the recipients of that aid abide by international law and our own human rights standards. This is true for Israel, for Saudi Arabia, and for any country that receives U.S. military aid.

Frankly, I hope this vote is the first of many as we take a hard look at how our military aid is being used.

Therefore, pursuant to 22 U.S.C. 2304 and in accordance with the provisions of section 601(b) of the International Security Assistance and Arms Export Control Act of 1976, I move to discharge the Committee on Foreign Relations of the further consideration of S. Res. 504, a resolution requesting information on Israel's human rights practices pursuant to section 502B(c) of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961.
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Mr. SANDERS. Mr. President.

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Mr. SANDERS. Mr. President.
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Mr. SANDERS. Mr. President, 24,000 Palestinians are dead, 70 percent of whom are women and children, 70 percent of the housing stock has been damaged or destroyed, and almost 2 million people are trying to survive with inadequate supplies of food, water, medical supplies, or fuel. And, as we speak, hundreds of thousands of children face starvation.

The time is now for the U.S. Senate to act.

I ask for a ``no'' vote on the motion to table. Vote on Motion to Table

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