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Floor Speech
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Mr. WICKER. Mr. President, a major item in the news last week was that the senior Senator from Alabama, Senator Tuberville, released holds on over 400 military promotions. As usual, media reports framed the situation in much the same way as the Biden administration had. Both the President and the press focused on the holds instead of the policy the holds protested. They claimed my Senate colleague manufactured a crisis. The truth is that it is the President's political appointees who have been manufacturing the crisis from the start.
Let's go back. In the summer of 2022, the Supreme Court handed down its landmark Dobbs ruling. Almost immediately, the Under Secretary of Defense for Personnel claimed the decision would have ``significant implications . . . for the readiness of the force.'' The abortion decision named ``Dobbs'' would have ``significant implications . . . for the readiness of the force.'' Again, he claimed that the Supreme Court's decision, which essentially returned abortion decisions to the States, would have ``significant implications . . . for the readiness of the force.''
Let's all agree that readiness is vital to our success. Military readiness is our No. 1 job. The United States faces the most dangerous national security situation in decades. China's military strength is growing at an alarming rate. Russia has brought war to Europe. Iran is actively attacking our troops. North Korea continues to develop dangerous weapons.
In the face of such a complicated web of threats, we must take military preparation seriously. Our precarious situation makes it irresponsible for anyone to fearmonger about readiness in order to advance a political agenda. Yet that is what we must conclude the President's appointees at DOJ have done.
They contend that the Dobbs decision hurts readiness, so, in response, Republicans have repeatedly asked for proof that Dobbs harms readiness. I have personally, as ranking member of the Armed Services Committee, asked for proof that Dobbs harms readiness, and the administration has refused to provide that evidence. In truth, that is because the evidence does not exist. At this point, it is pretty clear that Biden officials are avoiding the question because they do not like the answer.
It is difficult not to see that the President, and not my colleague from Alabama, is the one who precipitated the crisis.
To solve this imaginary emergency, the administration released what they called the reproductive health policy. The creative title failed to disguise what is a clear attempt to use taxpayer dollars illegally for abortion, contrary to the Hyde amendment. Under the rule, servicemembers are granted compensated time off, as well as monetary reimbursement for travel costs incurred, to receive an abortion. This policy violates popular opinion, and it violates the law.
Most Americans oppose late-term abortions, but a DOD official begrudgingly admitted to me in testimony that the policy would facilitate abortion at the very latest stages of pregnancy, in the eighth or ninth month. The provision spends tax dollars to facilitate abortions conducted mere days before a child's due date. That is just a fact.
Again, the administration claims this policy is necessary to solve a readiness problem created by Dobbs, but if Dobbs is such a threat, we could have reasonably expected wide usage of the travel policy. Despite the administration's stonewalling, I have obtained information indicating that just 12 women during this entire time have taken advantage of the reimbursement--just 12. Over 1 million Americans serve in our Armed Forces, but 12--not 12,000, not 1,200, but 12--have so far used this abortion travel reimbursement program. So the Biden administration cannot provide proof that Dobbs created a crisis for national defense.
We do have evidence that other administration priorities are harming our Armed Forces. The U.S. military faces a recruiting challenge, but the Biden administration is making it worse. The President has instituted a woke diversity, equity, and inclusion bureaucracy at the DOD which is souring servicemembers' views of the military. A survey of Active Duty troops found that 7 in 10 are concerned about the politicization of the military. That same percent said that politicization would affect whether or not they would encourage their children to enlist. We know that family ties are the No. 1 way we recruit new servicemembers. When the Biden administration injects politics into the Armed Forces, it weakens that recruiting channel, and we see the results of that weakening.
In this year's national defense legislation, Republicans successfully included a number of important provisions curbing that woke agenda; but, regrettably, Democrats ended up blocking our efforts to end the DOD's illegal abortion travel policy. We will continue in future Congresses to resist that travel policy.
Last year's Dobbs decision was a monumental victory for the Constitution, our country, and, most importantly, for the unborn. It was the culmination of decades of dedicated work by pro-life groups, and I salute them. These groups understood how the Framers built our political process, and they patiently used their voices to advocate for the unborn in our democratic system. They were rewarded for their faithfulness that they exhibited during nearly 50 years under Roe.
During this time, the Biden administration has refused to play by the rules, and they grasp at ways to circumvent the Supreme Court's ruling. We intend to promote, in the next phase of our effort, a culture of life and to refocus the Pentagon on its national defense mission. The pro-life movement has always been a coalition of energetic volunteers, resilient advocates, and elected officials, and we will continue to work together to fight for the unborn.
And one final bit of very good news: Since the Dobbs decision was announced in 2022, approximately 30,000 babies have been born who would, otherwise, not have had an opportunity to experience life. That, in essence, is what this fight has been about and what it will continue to be about.
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