Suspension of Authority to Waive, Suspend, Reduce, Provide Relief From, Or Otherwise Limit the Application of Sanctions Pursuant to an Agreement Related to the Nuclear Program of Iran

Floor Speech

BREAK IN TRANSCRIPT

Mr. MEEHAN. Mr. Speaker, I want to thank the chairman for his leadership.

Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the Iran deal. I believe the inspections regime is weak. I don't think the Iranians can be trusted, nor can we reasonably assume that Iran will hold up its end of the deal.

A broad swath of sanctions is lifted all at once, and the deal lifts the arms embargo. Iran will further destabilize an already dangerous Middle East by trafficking more weapons and rockets to its terrorist proxies, like Hamas and Hezbollah. Tehran's coffers will be flush with cash to fund Iranian terror around the world.

But Iranian terrorism isn't new. Iran is the leading state sponsor of terrorism. Its support and influence was there in Beirut in 1983, Khobar Towers in 1996, Nairobi in 1998, and on this day, 9/11.

It has been there at suicide bombings on busses, at shopping malls, and pizza shops. It has supported hostage takings and assassinations around the world. And to this we are to look to diplomacy?

U.S. law allows victims of these attacks to sue Iran for damages in U.S. courts. Over the last 15 years, the United States courts have handed down more than 80 judgments against Iran with $43 billion in damages. Of course, not a penny has been paid.

I know there is disagreement on this overall issue, but surely we can agree that Iran should have to pay out these damages to its victims' families before Iran benefits from U.S. sanctions relief.

So I have introduced the Justice for Victims of Iranian Terrorism Act. It requires the President to certify that Iran has paid all judgments owed to its victims before U.S. sanctions can be lifted. Our position is: Not 1 cent in sanctions relief for Iran until it pays up to its victims--not 1 cent.

BREAK IN TRANSCRIPT

Source