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Mr. NEAL. Thank you, Mr. Levin.
I hope as this debate ensues what we can perhaps call this for the next hour, instead of ObamaCare, why don't we call it RomneyCare? This is based upon the Massachusetts model that Governor Romney signed with Ted Kennedy standing next to him. Anybody who knows anything about insurance markets, you know the following: you can't say, as our Republican friends are saying, by the way, in print and in televised appearances, they're all saying: Oh, I like the idea of ending preexisting condition; oh, I like the idea of keeping 26-year-olds on their parents' health insurance; oh, I very much like the idea of ending lifetime caps; oh, I very much like the idea of preventive service mammography screening and osteoporosis for women.
Well, that's what's in the legislation that we passed. Those numbers poll very well with the American people. And, by the way, the trend line continues in this direction. But if you know something about automobile insurance, it's not just on Friday night you're driving along knowing you have insurance that you need to be concerned about. It's the man or woman driving the other way toward you that you hope has automobile insurance as well.
The Massachusetts plan polls very well. Not everybody in Massachusetts, contrary to what some might think, is a Democrat. Almost 64 percent of the people in Massachusetts are Republicans and Independents. Seventy percent north approve of the health care plan that was duly negotiated with hospitals, the business community, organized labor. Everybody had a seat at the table.
Remember this as we proceed to this vote tomorrow: This is the offering that Bob Dole suggested to Bill Clinton. This is the offering that Senator Chafee from Rhode Island offered to Bill Clinton. The mandate was a Republican proposal that came from the Heritage Foundation, and it's the only bone of contention in this legislation.
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