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Ms. STABENOW. I thank my colleague from Rhode Island because I couldn't agree more with what he just said in terms of who is standing between, in this case, a woman and her doctor or any patient and their doctor.
Right now, I assume the Senator would agree with me that the first person, unfortunately, the doctor may have to call is the insurance company to see whether he can treat somebody, to see what it is going to cost, is it covered. Right now, we know that half the women in this country, in fact, postpone, delay getting the preventive care they need because they can't afford it. So the amendment from the distinguished Senator from Maryland is all about making sure women can get the preventive care we need, whether it is the mammogram, whether it is the cervical cancer screenings, whether it is focused on pregnancy.
Would the Senator from Rhode Island agree that right now in the marketplace, I understand that about 60 percent of the insurance companies in the individual market don't cover maternity care?
They don't cover prenatal care. They don't cover maternity care, labor and delivery, and health care through the first year of a child's life. That is standing between a woman, her child, and her doctor. That is the ultimate standing between a woman and her doctor, since they were not going to cover that.
I think one of the most important things we are doing in this legislation is to have as basic coverage--something as basic as maternity care. When we are 29th in the world in the number of babies that make it through the first year of life, that live through the first year of life, that is something we should all be extremely outraged about, concerned about.
This legislation is about expanding health care coverage, preventive care, making sure babies and moms can get prenatal care, that babies have every chance in the world to make it through the first year of life because we have adequate care there. Yet the ultimate standing between a woman and her doctor is the insurance company saying: We don't think maternity coverage is basic care.
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. If the Senator will yield.
Ms. STABENOW. Yes.
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. That is the business model of the private health insurance industry now. They want to cherry-pick out anybody who might be sick, and that is why we have the preexisting condition exclusion.
Then they have an absolute army of insurance company officials whose job it is to deny care. I went to the Cranston, RI, community health center a few months ago. It is a small community health center providing health care in the Cranston, RI, area. It doesn't have a great big budget. I asked them how difficult it is to deal with the insurance companies in order to get approval and get claims paid. They said: Well, Senator, 50 percent of our personnel are engaged not in providing health care but in fighting with the insurance industry to get permission for care and to get claims paid.
Ms. STABENOW. Will the Senator repeat that to me? That is astounding. He said 50 percent?
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Yes. Half of the staff of the community health center was dedicated to fighting with the insurance industry, and the other half was actually providing the health care.
In addition, they had to have a contract for experts, consultants, to help fight against the insurance industry. That was another $200,000--$200,000 for a little community health center, plus half of their staff.
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What we have seen in the past 8 years is that the administrative expense of the insurance industry has doubled. That is what they are doing. It is like an arms race. They put on more people to try to prevent you from getting care because it saves them money when they do. They have a profit motive to deny people.
In the case of a member of my family whom they tried to deny, he had the fortitude to fight back and eventually they caved. But for every person like him who fights and gets the coverage they paid for and are entitled to, some will be too ill, too frightened, too old, too weak, too confused, or some simply don't have the resources, when they are burdened with a terrible diagnosis like that, to fight on two fronts. So they give up and the insurance company makes money.
It is systematized. Not once have I heard anybody on the other side of the aisle in the Senate complain about that. It is a scandal across this country. It is the way they do business. I don't think there is a person on the Senate floor who hasn't heard a story of a friend or a loved one or somebody they know and care about who has been through that process. It is not hypothetical. It is happening now, and it is happening to all of us. But it is only when we come in and try to fight that suddenly this concern is raised, this ``oh my gosh, you are going to get bureaucrats.'' But they happen to have no profit motive. They will work for the government and will be trying to do the right thing and be experts. But suddenly it is no good.
Ms. STABENOW. As the Senator has said eloquently, we have all had situations like this happen in our families. Everybody listening and everybody involved in the Senate family has certainly had that happen to us. I have found it very interesting; every Tuesday morning we invite people from Michigan who are in town, to come by and we do something called ``Good Morning, Michigan.''
Not long ago, a woman came in and said:
I'm finally excited. I am 65 and now I can choose my own doctor because I am going to be on Medicare.
Medicare is a single-payer, government-run health care system. I could not get my mother's Medicare card away from her if I had to wrestle her to the ground because, in fact, it has worked. It is focused on providing health care. That is their mission.
One of the things I think is indicative of the whole for-profit health care system--by the way, we are the only ones in the world who have a for-profit health care system--is when they talk as an industry, they talk about the ``medical loss ratio.'' The medical loss ratio is how much they have to pay out on your health care. So the language of the insurance industry--now, it is different if there is a car accident or if your home is on fire. We understand you don't want to pay out for a car accident or for a home fire. But in this case, we have an institution set up, through which most of us--we have over 82 percent of us in the private for-profit insurance market through our employers. We are in a system where the provider, the insurance company, calls it a ``medical loss'' if they have to pay out on your insurance. I think that alone is something that, to me, sends a very big red flag, if they are trying to keep their medical loss ratio down.
We have in this legislation been doing things to keep that up. We want them to be paying out for most of the dollars paid on a premium in health care so the people are getting the health care they are paying for. That is what this legislation is all about. But as my friend from Rhode Island has indicated, point by point, when we look at every amendment in the Finance Committee--I would say virtually every amendment from our colleagues on the Republican side--and when we look at the amendments so far on the floor of the Senate, the first two being offered are about protecting the for-profit insurance companies, making sure excessive payments that are currently going out for for-profit companies under Medicare continue; making sure we are protecting the industry's ability--not the doctor's ability to decide what care you need, when you need it, and so on, but the insurance company's ability to decide what they will pay for, what is covered, when you will get it--and, by the way, if you get too sick, they will find a technicality and they will drop you.
All of those things we are addressing are to protect patients, protect taxpayers, consumers, in this legislation. Would the Senator not agree?
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. I do.
Ms. STABENOW. The sign behind the Senator is right. It is about saving lives, money, and Medicare.
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. As the Senator noted, there is an astonishing similarity between the interests of the private health insurance industry and the arguments made by our friends on the other side on the floor. It is amazing. They are identical, virtually, to one another. I have yet to hear an argument about health care coming from the other side of the aisle that does not reflect the interests and the welfare of the private insurance industry, about which for years I never heard them complain while they were denying care.
We have another example beyond Medicare. I am struck that today is the first day since the President's speech in which he announced another 30,000 men and women will be going over to Afghanistan in addition to the ones there. All of us in the Senate and in America are proud of our soldiers. We wish them well. Those of us who have visited Afghanistan know how challenging an environment it is and how difficult it is to be away from one's family. There can be no doubt in our minds that we want the best for our men and women in the service. Everybody agrees we want the best for them. Our friends on the other side also want the best for them.
When we give them health care, what do we give them that we think is the best? We give them government health care through TRICARE and through the Veterans' Administration. I have not heard a lot of complaining about that, about stripping our veterans out of the Veterans' Administration and letting them go to the tender mercies of the private health insurance industry because when there is not an issue that involves the essential interests of the private health insurance industry, then they will do the right thing and recognize that is best for our service men and women. That is best for our veterans and, of course, we all support that. It makes perfect sense. It belies the arguments we are hearing today.
Ms. STABENOW. I totally agree with the Senator. I thank him for his comments. What I find even more perplexing is that what we have on the floor is not a single-payer system, even though some of us would support that. It is not. It is, in fact, building on the private system but creating more accountability. We are not saying there would not be a private insurance industry. What we are doing is saying that small businesses and individuals who cannot find affordable insurance today should be able to pool together in a larger risk pool. That has been, in fact, a Republican and Democratic idea going back years.
We are saying if they want to be able to ask us to cover these folks, we are saying to the insurance companies they have to stop the insurance abuses. We are not saying they can't offer insurance. In fact, this is a model like the Federal employee health care model, where people who don't have insurance today can get a better deal in a group pool, like a big business and a small business and individuals will purchase from private insurance companies. Many of us believe there ought to be a public option in there as well. But we are talking about private insurance companies participating.
All we are saying is, wait a minute. If you are going to have access to the individuals that now will have the opportunity to buy insurance, we want those rates to be down, and we want them to be affordable. We want to make sure there are no preexisting conditions. We want to know that if somebody pays a premium every month, and then somebody gets sick, that they don't get dropped on some technicality. We want to make sure that women aren't charged twice as much as men, which in many cases is happening today. Sometimes there is less coverage. We want to make sure maternity care is considered basic, that women's health is considered a basic part of a health insurance policy. We are not saying we are eliminating the private sector. We are not going to the VA model or even the Medicare model.
This is reasonable, modest, and should be widely supported on a bipartisan basis. These ideas have come from both Democrats and Republicans over the years, and yet we still get arguments that are wholly and completely protecting the interests of an industry that we are, in fact, trying to engage and provide affordable health care insurance.
Mr. BAUCUS. Mr. President, who has the floor? We are all talking.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from Montana is recognized. A colloquy was going on and it was terrific.
Mr. BAUCUS. I ask my colleagues, is it not true that basically in America, although all of America spends about $2.5 trillion on health care, basically it is 50/50. It is 41 or 42 percent public and about 60 percent private. We in America have roughly a 50-50 system today; is that right?
Ms. STABENOW. I say to our colleague that I believe that is the case. In my State, we have 60 percent in the private market through employers.
Mr. BAUCUS. This legislation before us basically retains that current division. What we are doing is coming up with uniquely American ideas. We are not Great Britain, France, or Canada. We are roughly 50-50--a little more private in fact. In 2007, it was 46 percent public and about 54 percent private. Roughly, that is where we are. It might change ever so slightly. But we are not those other countries, we are America.
This legislation before us maintains that philosophy; is that correct?
Ms. STABENOW. Absolutely. In fact, I think it invites the private sector to participate in a new marketplace.
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. If I may interject, I add that it is a relatively familiar American principle to put public and private agencies side by side in competition, in fair competition, and let the best for the consumer win. We see it in public universities. Many of us have States with public universities that we are very proud of. They compete with private universities. I think every one of us has a public university in our State, and it is a model that works very well in education. Many of us--unfortunately not in Rhode Island--have public power authorities that compete with the private power industry.
In fact, some of the most ardent opponents of a public option go home and buy their electricity from a public electric cooperative or a public power authority. We see it in workers compensation insurance. A lot of health care is delivered through workers compensation insurance.
Mr. BAUCUS. But isn't that a pretty good system--don't put too many eggs in one basket? Doesn't each keep the others on their toes a little bit?
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. I think it is the oldest principle of competition, as the distinguished chairman of the Finance Committee pointed out.
Mr. BAUCUS. Doesn't this legislation provide for more competition than currently exists?
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. I think it does.
Mr. BAUCUS. For example, with exchanges, with health insurance market reform and with the ratings reform.
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. All of those, and a public option. All of that adds to a better environment. One of the interesting things about this is you only have a good and fair market. America is founded on market principles. We all believe in market principles. One of the things about the market is that people will cheat on it if there are not rules around the market. If you don't make sure that the bread is good, honest, healthy bread, some rascal will come and will sell cheap, lousy, contaminated bread in the market. You have to have discipline and walls to protect the integrity of the market.
That is what the health insurance market has lacked. That is overdue. I think it will enliven the market in health insurance and animate the market principle.
Mr. BAUCUS. I ask my colleagues, is there anything in this legislation which will interfere with the doctor-patient relationship; that is, to date people choose their own doctors, whichever doctor they want. They can, by and large, go to the hospital they want, although the doctor may send them to another hospital. Is there anything in this legislation that diminishes that freedom of choice patients would have to choose their doctor?
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. Nothing.
Ms. STABENOW. If I may add, I think one of the most telling ways to approach that is the fact that the American Medical Association, the physicians in this country, support what we are doing. They are the last ones who would support putting somebody--somebody else, I should say, because I believe we have insurance company bureaucrats frequently between our doctors and patients--but they would not be supporting us if it were doing what we have been hearing it is doing.
Mr. BAUCUS. What about the procedures doctors might want to choose for their patients? Is there anything in this legislation which interferes with the decision a physician might make as to which procedure to prescribe, in consultation with his or her patient?
Ms. STABENOW. As a member of the Finance Committee with the distinguished chairman, we have heard nothing. We have written nothing that would in any way interfere with procedures. In fact, I believe through the fact we are making insurance more affordable, we are going to make more procedures available because more people will be able to afford to get the care they need.
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. The American Academy of Family Physicians and the American Nurses Association support this legislation because they know that instead of interfering between the doctor and the patient, we are actually lifting out the interference that presently exists at the hands of the private insurance for-profit industry between the patient and the doctor. They want to see this, and that is one of the important reasons.
Another important reason, something the distinguished chairman of the Finance Committee is very responsible for, beginning all the way back at the start of this year when the Finance Committee, under his leadership, had the ``prepare to launch'' full-day effort on delivery system reform.
What you will see is doctors empowered in new ways to provide better care, to have better information.
Mr. BAUCUS. I might ask my friend--that is very true--Could he explain maybe how doctors may be, in this legislation, empowered to have better information to help them provide even better care? What are some of the provisions?
Mr. WHITEHOUSE. There are a great number of ways and much of it is thanks to the chairman's leadership and Chairman Dodd on the HELP Committee. We put together a strong package melded by Leader Reid. The main ingredients are taking advantage of electronic health records so you are not running around with a paper record, you are not having to fill out that clipboard again, they are not having to do another expensive MRI because they cannot access the one you had last week. If you have drugs you are taking, the drug interactions that might harm you will be caught by the computer and signal the doctor so they can be aware of it and make a decision whether to change the medication. The electronic health record is a part of that.
Investment in quality reform is a huge issue. Hospital-acquired infections are prevalent throughout this country. They cost about $60,000 each on average. They are completely preventable. Nobody knows this better than Senator Stabenow from Michigan because it was in her home State that the Keystone Project began, which has since migrated around the country. It has gone statewide in my home State through the Rhode Island Quality Institute. It has been written up by the health care writer Dr. Atul Gawande in the New Yorker magazine. What the information from Senator Stabenow's home State of Michigan shows is that in 15 months, they saved 1,500 lives in intensive care units and over $150 million by better procedures to prevent hospital-acquired infections.
Ms. STABENOW. If I may add to that--and I thank the chairman for putting in language on the Keystone initiative in the bill--in this bill, we are, in fact, expanding what has been learned about saving lives and saving money by focusing on cutting down on infections in the intensive care units, by focusing on surgical procedures, things that actually will save dollars, don't cost a lot, and save lives. But they involve thinking a little differently, working a little bit differently as a team. Our physicians, hospitals, and nurses have found that if they made quality a priority, it became a priority.
There are so many things in this legislation that will save money, save lives, increase quality, and that is what this is all about, which is why so broadly we see the health care community, all the providers, nurses, doctors, and so on, supporting what we are doing.
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